The functionalist claims he is being simple and commonsensical by not
speaking of essences. He says that traditional talk about essences is dated,
dispensable, mystical, muddled, and anti-scientific. But he is wrong. Talk
about essences is not dated but perennial, built into the very structure of
language, for most words are universals predictable of many individuals.
Essence-talk is not dispensable without dispensing with understanding itself
and reducing us to an animal state of mind where brute empirical fact reigns
alone. Essence-talk is not mystical but commonsensical. It is not muddled but
clear to any child. It is not anti scientific, for science seeks universal
laws, truths about the species, not quirks of the specimen.
Functionalism is not only theoretically weak, it is also practically
destructive. Modern man is increasingly reducing his being to functions. We
no longer ask "who is he?" but "what does he do?" we think of a man as a
fireman, not as a man fighting fires; of a woman as a teacher, not as a woman
teaching.
Functionalism arises with the modern erosion of the family. Our civilization
is dying primarily because the family is dying. Half of our families commit
suicide, for divorce is the family commiting suicide qua family. But the
family is the place where you learn that you are loved not because of what
you do, your function, but because of who you are. What is replacing the
family, where we are valued for our being? The workplace, where we are valued
for our functioning.
This replacement in society is mirrored by the replacement in philosophy of
the old "sanctity of life ethic" by the new "quality of life ethic." in this
new ethic, a human life is judged as valuable and worth living if and and
only if the judgers decide that it performs at a certain level - e.G., a
functional i.Q. Of 60 or 40; or an ability to relate to other people (it
would logically follow that a severely autistic person does not have enough
"quality" in his life to deserve to live); or the prospect of a fairly
normal, healthy and pain-free life (thus active euthanasia, or assisted
suicide, is justified). If someone lacks the functional criteria of a
"quality" life, he lacks personhood and the right to life.
I find this ethic more terrifying than the ethic of the mafia, for the mafia
at least do not rationalize their assassinations by inventing a new ethic
which pretends that the people they want to kill are not people. I would feel
more comfortable conversing with a hired killer than with an abortionist, for
an abortionist is also a hired killer, but pretends not to be.
The functionalism that is the basis of the "quality of life ethic" is morally
reprehensible for at least three reasons. First, it is degrading, demeaning
and destructive to human dignity; it treats persons like trained seals.
Second, it is elitist; it discriminates against less perfect performers.
Third, it takes advantage, it is power play, it is might over right
rationalized. To see this point, let us dare to ask a very naive and simple
question, a question a child might ask, especially a child like the one in
"the emperor's new clothes": why do doctors kill fetuses rather than fetuses
killing doctors? Fetuses do not want to die. They struggle to live. (i hope
you have all seen "the silent scream and its sequel.) the answer is power.
Doctors have power, fetuses do not. If fetuses came equipped with suction
tubes, poisons, and scalpels to use to defend themselves against their
killers, there would be no abortions.
The eventual social consequences of functionalism are george bernard shaw's
utopia of the future in which each citizen would have to appear annually
before a central planning committee to justify the social utility of his or
her (or its) existence, or else be painlessly "terminated." that is the
crotch of the functionalist camel whose nose is already under our tent. The
nose is abortion. The camel is all one piece. Let the nose in and the rest
will follow. To keep the camel out you must hit it on the nose.
Returning to our logical analysis, let us now refute the seven pro-choice
arguments. First, the pro-choicers are correct to claim that the "person" and
"human being" are not identical, but wrong to claim that the "human being" is
the broader category and "person" the narrower subset. It is the other way
round. There are persons who are not human persons: the three persons of the
trinity, angels, and any rational and moral extraterrestrials who may exist,
such as the e.T., martians, and someone who has never heard of the boston red
sox. But though not all persons are human, all humans are persons. Old humans
are persons, very young humans are persons, and unborn humans, fetal humans,
are persons too.
How is a person to be defined? The crucial point for our argument is not
which acts are to count as defining a person (is it speaking, or reasoning,
or loving?) but the relation of these personal acts to the person-actor.
(1) is a person one who is consciously performing personal acts? If so,
people who are asleep are not people, and we may kill them.
(2) is it one with a present capacity to perform personal acts? That
would include sleepers, but not people in coma.
(3) how about one with a history of performing personal acts? That would
mean that a 17-year-old who was born in a coma 17 years ago and is
just now coming out of it is not a person. Also, by this definition
there can be no first personal act, no personal acts without a history of
past personal acts.
(4) what about one with a future capacity for performing personal acts?
That would mean that dying persons are not persons.
(5) surely the correct answer is that a person is one with a natural, inherent
capacity for performing personal acts. Why is one able to perform
personal acts, under proper conditions? Only because one is a person.
One grows into the ability to perform personal acts only because one
already is the kind of thing that grows into the ability to perform
personal acts, i.E., a person.
To say that some human beings are not persons is to say that only achievers,
only successful functioners, only sufficiently intelligent performers,
qualify as persons and have a right to life. And who is to say what
"sufficient" is? The line can be drawn at will-the will of the stronger.
Nature, reason, and justice are then replaced by artifice, prejudice, and
power. When it is in the self-interest of certain people to kill certain
other people, whether fetuses, or the dying, or enemies of the state, or
jews, or armenians, or cambodians, or heretics, or prophets, the killers will
simply define their victims as non-persons by pointing out that they do not
meet certain criteria. Who determines the criteria? Those in power, of
course. Whenever personhood is defined functionally, the dividing line
between persons and non-persons will be based on a decision by those in
power, a decision of will. Such a decision, given the fallenness of human
nature, will inevitably be based on self-interest. Where there is an interest
in killing persons, they will be defined as non-persons.
To the second argument, it must be said that "human being" is not a merely
biological term because the reality it designates is not a merely biological
reality, though it is a biological reality. To identify human beings and
persons is not biologism; in fact, it is just the opposite: it is the
implicit claim that persons, i.E., human beings, have a human biological body
and a human spiritual soul; that human souls inhabit human bodies.
The reason we should love, respect, and not kill human beings is because they
are persons, i.E., subjects, souls, "i's," made in the image of god who is I
am. We revere the person, not the functioning; the doer, not the doing. If
robots could do all that persons can do behaviorally, they would still not be
persons. Mere machines cannot be persons. They may function as persons, but
they do not understand that they do not have freedom, or free will to choose
what they do. They obey their programming without free choice. They are
artifacts, and artifacts are not persons. Persons are natural, not artificial.
They develop from within (like fetuses!); artifacts are made from without.
The connection between the two errors of (1) reducing persons to functions
and (2) reducing "human being" to a merely biological category is obvious:
the first is the root cause of the second. Once a person is defined in terms
of functioning, then zygotes, fetuses and even normal newborns are no longer
fully persons. What are they, then? Only members of a biological species,
"human being."
this justifies abortion, of course-and infanticide. The camel is a one-piece
camel. I know of no argument justifying abortion that does not also justify
infanticide.
To the third argument: the zygote has no brain, true, but it does have what
will grow into a brain, just as an infant does not have speech but has what
will grow into speech. Within the zygote is an already fully programmed
individuality, from sex and aging to eye color and aversion to spinach. The
personhood of the person is already there, like the tuliphood of the tulip
bulb. One must actually be a human being, after all, to grow a human brain.
The fourth argument is right, of course, to say that development is gradual-
after conception. Conception is the break, the clear dividing line, and the
only one. I am the same being from conception on. Otherwise we would not
speak of the growth and development and unfolding of that being, of me. I was
once an infant. I was born. I was once in my mother's womb. My functioning
develops only gradually, but my me has a sudden beginning. Once again, the
pro-choice objection confuses being a person with functioning as a person.
Furthermore, if personhood is only a developing, gradual thing, then we are
never fully persons, because we continue to grow, at least intellectually and
emotionally and spiritually. Albert schweitzer said, at 70, "i still don't
know what I want to do when I grow up." but if we are only partial persons,
then homicide is only partially wrong, and it is less wrong to kill younger,
lesser persons than older ones.
If it is more permissible to kill a fetus than to kill an infant because the
fetus is less of a person, then it is for exactly the same reason more
permissible to kill a seven-year-old, who has not yet developed his
reproductive system or many of his educational and communications skills,
than to kill a 27-year-old. The absurd conclusion follows from defining a
person functionally.
No other line than conception can be drawn between prepersonhood and
personhood. Birth and viability are the two most frequently suggested. But
birth is only a change of place and relationship to the mother and to the
surrounding world (air and food); how could these things create personhood?
As for viability, it varies with accidental and external factors like
available technology (incubators). What I am in the womb-a person or a
non-person cannot be determined by what machines exist outside the womb! But
viability is determined by such things. Therefore personhood cannot be
determined by viability.
Fifth, if the fetus is only a potential person, it must be an actual
something in order to be a potential person. What is it? An ape?
There are no "potential persons" any more than there are potential apes. All
persons are actual, as all apes are actual. Actual apes are potential
swimmers, and actual persons are potential philosophers. The being is actual,
the functioning is potential. The objection confuses "a potential person"
with "a potentially functioning person"-functionalism again.
Sixth, is personhood an unclear concept? If it were a matter of degree,
determined by degree of functioning, then it would indeed be unclear, and a
matter of opinion, who is a person and who is not. Refuting objection four
undercuts objection six.
Personhood is indeed unclear-for functionalism. Such questions as the
following are not clearly answerable: which features count as proof of
personhood? Why? How do we decide? Who decides? What gives them that right?
And how much of each feature is necessary for personhood? And who decides
that, and why? Also, all the performance-qualifications adduced for
personhood are difficult to measure objectively and with certainty. To use
the unclear, not universally accepted, hard-to-measure functionalist concept
of personhood to decide the sharply controversial issue of who is a person
and who may be killed is to try to clarify the obsure by the more obscure,
obscuram per obscurius.
Seventh, if the fetus is only a part of the mother, a hilariously absurd
consequence follows. The relation of part to whole is what logicians call a
transitive relation: if a is part of b and b is part of c, then a must be
part of c. If a wall is part of a room and the room is part of a building,
then the wall must be part of that building. If a toe is part of a foot and a
foot is part of a body, then the toe is part of the body. Now if the fetus is
a part of the mother, then the parts of the fetus must be parts of the
mother. But in that case, every pregnant woman has four eyes and four feet,
and half of all pregnant women have penises! Clearly, the absurd conclusion
came from the false premise that the fetus is only part of the mother.
I have refuted the pro-choice position (1) in general, by the basic pro-life
syllogism, (2) foundationally, by identifying and refuting functionalism as
the root pro-choice error, and (3) specifically, by refuting each of the
seven pro-choice arguments against fetal personhood but just suppose all of
my arguments are somehow inconclusive. Suppose I was wrong in my very first
point, that abortion is a clear evil. Suppose abortion is a difficult,
obscure, uncertain issue. Even if you take this "softest pro-choice"
position, which we can call "abortion agnosticism," you stand refuted by the
following quadrilemma.
Either the fetus is a person, or not; and either we know what it is, or not.
Thus there are four and only four possibilities: (1) that it is not a person
and we know that, (2) that it is a person and we know that, (3) that it is a
person but we do not know that, and (4) that it is not a person and we do not
know that. Now what is abortion in each of these four cases?
In case (1), abortion is perfectly permissible. We do no wrong if we kill
what is not a person and we know it is not a person-e.G., if we fry a fish.
But no one has ever proved with certainty that a fetus is not a person. If
there exists anywhere such a proof, please show it to me and I shall convert
to pro-choice on the spot if I cannot refute it.
If we do not have case (1) we have either (2) or (3) or (4). What is abortion
in each of these cases? It is either homicide, or manslaughter, or criminal
negligence.
In case (2), where the fetus is a person and we know that, abortion is homicide.
For killing an innocent person knowing it is an innocent person is homicide.
In case (3), abortion is manslaughter, for it is killing an innocent person
not knowing and intending the full, deliberate extent of homicide. It is like
driving over a man-shaped overcoat in the street, which may be a drunk or may
only be an old coat. It is like shooting at a sudden movement in a bush which
may be your hunting companion or may be only a pheasant. It is like
fumigating an apartment building with a highly toxic chemical not knowing
whether everyone is safely evacuated. If the victim is a person, you have
committed manslaughter. And if not?
Even in case (4), even if abortion kills what is not in fact a person, but
the killer does not know for sure that it is not a person, we have criminal
negligence, as in the above three cases if there happened to be no one in the
coat, the bush, or the building, but the driver, the hunter, or the fumigator
did not know that, and nevertheless drove, shot or fumigated. Such negligence
is instinctively and universally condemned by all reasonable individuals and
societies as personally immoral and socially criminal; and cases (2) and (3),
homicide and manslaughter, are of course condemned even more strongly. We do
not argue politely over whether such behavior is right or wrong. We
wholeheartedly condemn it, even when we do not know whether there is a person
there, because the killer did not know that a person was not there. Why do we
not do the same with abortion?
The answer to that question is not an easy one to admit. It is this: if we do
not see the awfulness of abortion, that is not because the facts and
arguments are unclear but because our own consciences are unclear. Mother
teresa says, "abortion kills twice. It kills the body of the baby and it
kills the conscience of the mother." abortion is profoundly anti-women. Three
quarters of its victims are women: half the babies and all the mothers.
If mother teresa is right, the second killing that abortion does is even
worse than the first, if souls are more important than bodies. If abortion
kills consciences, it kills souls. To the extent that conscience is killed,
repentance is killed, and without repentance and faith we simply cannot be
saved-unless jesus was a liar or a fool when he told us that.
This is not to condemn the personal motives or integrity of all who abort. We
must distinguish the sin from the sinner and hate and judge the sin but not
the sinner. Both aborters and justifiers of abortion may be victims as much
as victimizers: victims of propaganda, prejudice and passion. Before they
victimize their babies' bodies, their own souls are victimized-their
thoughts, their consciences. But the victimization must start somewhere, the
buck stops somewhere, and not in safe abstractions like "society" but in the
choices of individuals.
All of us are implicated in some way, for "the only thing that is necessary
for the triumph of evil is that the good do nothing." what should we do? For
one thing, we must put up one hell of a stink, for abortion is, precisely,
one hell of a stink.
There is a time to be polite and scholarly and a time to tell the truth plain
and prickly. Plainly put, abortion comes from hell and it can lead us to hell
if not repented. Any unrepented sin can, and we all need repentance, whether
we abort or hate or lust or despair or coldly condemn. But abortion is more
likely than most sins to be unrepented because there are so many pro-choice
voices justifying it. The justification of abortion can be more lethal than
abortion itself.